FCT Minister Nyesom Wike has revealed details of the political strategy adopted by him and other members of the former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) G5 governors during the 2023 presidential election, explaining how they worked to reduce Atiku Abubakar’s chances of winning the presidency.
Wike disclosed the details on September 2, 2026, while discussing the political calculations surrounding the 2023 election and the emerging alignments ahead of the 2027 presidential contest.
According to the former Rivers State governor, the G5 governors understood that Atiku was the major candidate whose political strength could prevent their preferred outcome of having power return to southern Nigeria after the eight-year administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari.
The group therefore adopted a strategy designed to weaken Atiku’s support in key southern states.
The political disagreement between Wike and the PDP leadership began after Atiku emerged as the party’s presidential candidate in 2022.
Wike and the other G5 governors opposed the arrangement, arguing that the PDP should have respected the principle of power rotation and produced a southern presidential candidate after Buhari’s two terms.
The disagreement became increasingly bitter as the 2023 election approached.
The five governors — Wike, Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, Samuel Ortom of Benue State, Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia State and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu State — refused to support Atiku’s presidential campaign.
Instead, they maintained that their priority was ensuring that Nigeria’s presidency returned to the South.
Wike has now provided further insight into how that strategy played out during the election.
He explained that the group recognised the importance of Atiku’s political base and sought to prevent him from consolidating support across the southern part of the country.
One of the strategies involved encouraging support for Peter Obi, the Labour Party presidential candidate and former governor of Anambra State.
Obi had left the PDP before the election and emerged as the Labour Party’s candidate, attracting significant support, particularly among young voters and in parts of the South-East and South-South.
Wike said the G5 governors understood that Obi’s candidacy could significantly affect the distribution of votes in the South.
Rather than allowing Atiku to benefit from a consolidated southern opposition vote, the strategy was to encourage voters in certain areas to support Obi.
The political calculation was that a stronger Obi performance would reduce the number of votes available to Atiku.
At the same time, Wike and his allies were willing to work with the APC presidential candidate, Bola Tinubu, because Tinubu was also from the South.
The strategy was not necessarily based on full political agreement with Tinubu on every issue but on the shared objective of preventing another northern presidency after Buhari.
The 2023 election ultimately produced a victory for Tinubu.
The APC candidate secured 8,794,726 votes, while Atiku finished second with 6,984,520 votes. Obi finished third with 6,101,533 votes.
The distribution of those votes became a major part of post-election political analysis.
Wike’s latest revelation suggests that the G5’s strategy was aimed particularly at preventing Atiku from gaining enough support in the southern states to challenge Tinubu successfully.
The political consequences of the G5 rebellion were significant.
The PDP entered the election deeply divided, with its presidential campaign unable to secure the full support of several influential governors.
Wike remained particularly vocal in opposing Atiku and the PDP leadership throughout the campaign period.
He also repeatedly criticised the party for refusing to address the issue of zoning.
The G5 had demanded the resignation of Iyorchia Ayu, who was the PDP national chairman at the time.
The governors argued that it was unfair for both the party’s presidential candidate and national chairman to come from the northern part of the country.
Atiku was from Adamawa State in the North-East, while Ayu was from Benue State in the North-Central region.
The G5 argued that the party should have changed its leadership arrangement to demonstrate commitment to geographical balance.
When their demands were not accepted, the governors refused to support the PDP’s presidential campaign.
Their decision created one of the most significant internal divisions within the opposition party during the 2023 election.
Wike has since acknowledged that the group deliberately worked against Atiku’s political interests.
However, he has also maintained that his position was driven by his belief that power should return to the South.
The political calculation became even more complicated because Obi was also a southern candidate.
Obi’s emergence created a three-way contest for southern votes involving Tinubu, Atiku and Obi.
While Tinubu was the APC candidate, Obi became the dominant candidate among many young voters and supporters of the Labour Party movement.
Wike has previously described Obi as an important factor in the 2023 election and argued that his candidacy contributed to preventing the presidency from remaining in the North.
His latest comments provide a clearer picture of how the G5 viewed the situation at the time.
The governors were not operating as a single presidential campaign organisation.
Instead, they pursued individual political strategies within their respective states while maintaining their common position against Atiku.
The approach also demonstrated the importance of governors in Nigerian presidential elections.
State governors control significant political structures and can influence voter mobilisation, party organisation and campaign activities within their territories.
The refusal of five PDP governors to fully support the party’s presidential candidate therefore had consequences beyond their personal disagreements with the party leadership.
In Rivers State, which Wike controlled at the time, the PDP’s expected advantage was challenged by the governor’s position.
Wike later explained that he did not directly instruct Rivers residents to vote for Tinubu.
Instead, he presented his position as support for the emergence of a southern president.
The distinction became important because both Tinubu and Obi were southern candidates.
The G5’s strategy was consequently more complex than simply choosing one presidential candidate.
Its primary objective was to prevent Atiku from securing the level of southern support that could strengthen his nationwide chances.
Wike’s latest disclosure has renewed interest in the political events that shaped the 2023 election.
It also provides additional context for understanding the relationship between Wike and Atiku, which has remained strained since the PDP presidential primary.
The former vice president defeated Wike and several other aspirants to secure the PDP ticket.
Wike subsequently refused to accept the outcome without addressing the party’s zoning and leadership arrangements.
The disagreement eventually developed into an open political battle.
The G5 governors held meetings, issued public statements and maintained their opposition to Atiku throughout the campaign.
Their actions frustrated the PDP’s efforts to present a united front.
At the same time, the APC benefited from its own political organisation and Tinubu’s established networks across the country.
Tinubu eventually won the election, although Atiku and Obi challenged the result in court.
The Presidential Election Petitions Court later upheld Tinubu’s victory, and the Supreme Court subsequently affirmed the election outcome.
Wike’s involvement in the 2023 election remains politically relevant because he later accepted an appointment under Tinubu’s administration.
He became Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, despite remaining a member of the PDP.
His appointment further complicated the political relationship between the PDP and the former governor.
Wike has continued to defend his decision to work with the federal government while criticising elements of his former party.
As the 2027 election approaches, his latest revelation could generate renewed debate within opposition circles.
Atiku remains an important opposition figure, while Obi continues to command considerable political attention.
Tinubu, meanwhile, is expected to seek another term as president.
The political calculations of 2023 could therefore influence the alliances and strategies being developed for 2027.
The question of whether opposition politicians will repeat the divisions that affected the PDP in 2023 is likely to become increasingly important.
Wike’s disclosure serves as a reminder that presidential elections are shaped not only by candidates and national campaigns but also by negotiations among influential political actors at the state and regional levels.
The G5’s actions demonstrated how disagreements within a major political party can influence the distribution of votes and ultimately alter the dynamics of a presidential contest.
For Wike and his allies, the 2023 strategy was centred on power rotation and preventing Atiku from consolidating southern support.
For Atiku, the refusal of influential PDP governors to support his campaign represented a major challenge to the party’s attempt to defeat the APC.
The political consequences continue to be felt several years later.
With 2027 approaching, Wike’s latest account has once again brought the events of the 2023 election into the spotlight and highlighted the political strategy that helped shape the contest between Tinubu, Atiku and Obi.
